The apparently rapid pace of nuclear developments in India and Pakistan has led many analysts to warn of an impending arms race between the two countries. India and Pakistan are indeed entangled in a long-standing security competition. However, they are not two closely matched opponents engaged in a competitive tit-for-tat cycle of nuclear weapons development in which one state makes advancements to its nuclear capability and the other reacts in kind.
An analysis of aggregated missile test data since 1998 reveals that the armament dynamic is far more complex. The Indian and Pakistani nuclear programs are largely decoupled. The data show little correlation between the adversaries’ testing behavior contrary to what would be expected in a classic arms race. In fact, the types and ranges of missiles under development provide concrete evidence of the divergence in their nuclear objectives and security strategies.
India and Pakistan are racing toward their respective national security objectives, but they are running on different tracks and chasing vastly different goals.
India and Pakistan are indeed racing toward their respective national
security objectives, but they are running on different tracks and
chasing vastly different goals. Pakistan is building weapons systems to
deter India from conventional military operations below the nuclear
threshold. India is developing systems primarily to strengthen its
strategic deterrent against China, meaning this dynamic is not confined
to the subcontinent. Government policies that aim to change the
trajectory of the South Asian security competition need to take these
complexities into account.
The South Asian Security Dynamic
These concerns might be passed off as Western media hype, if not for the serious scholars and practitioners voicing them. Recently, for instance, retired Indian Navy Admiral Arun Prakash argued that “India and Pakistan are edging dangerously close to a spiral in the growth of their nuclear weapons arsenals. This could become a mindless race, driven by mutual suspicion, rather than the actual needs of deterrence and stability.”1 Similarly, Hudson Institute defense analyst Richard Weitz argued that the most dangerous aspect of security in South Asia “is almost certainly the nuclear arms racing between [India and Pakistan].”2
In recent years, both states have indeed tested a broad spectrum of ballistic and cruise missiles capable of carrying nuclear weapons, including short-range, tactical systems. But is this frequent testing and development of similar types and ranges of missiles really indicative of an arms race or is there another dynamic at play?
The variable most frequently used by academics and strategists to answer that question is military expenditure because it is reasonably easy to track and measure in consistent terms over time. But the strategic context in South Asia has changed since 1998, the year both India and Pakistan conducted nuclear tests and announced possession of nuclear weapons. The recent missile testing, for instance, takes place against the backdrop of significant economic growth and an associated quadrupling of military spending in India, but serious economic troubles and comparatively slow growth in military spending in Pakistan. Expenditures alone therefore cannot describe a potential arms race.
The Indo-Pakistani relationship is explained less by classic conventional or nuclear arms race models than by the asymmetries in their security strategies as reflected in the types of nuclear delivery capabilities they are developing.
Missile testing provides an interesting alternative window into the
current security dynamic between India and Pakistan. Through analyzing
aggregated missile test data since 1998, it becomes apparent that the
Indo-Pakistani relationship is explained less by classic conventional or
nuclear arms race models than by the asymmetries in their security
strategies as reflected in the types of nuclear delivery capabilities
they are developing. These asymmetries are widely recognized, but the
missile data add concrete evidence of the extent to which Indian and
Pakistani nuclear capabilities are disjunctive. Pakistan is building
systems to deter India from conventional military operations below the
nuclear threshold, while India is developing systems primarily to
strengthen its strategic deterrent against China. Both states may be
racing, but they are running on different tracks and chasing vastly
different goals.
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